What happens to identity in times of movement and change? In my second post, I proposed the importance of cultivating a third space that is not dependent on a physical space and caveats on when this may veer towards an unhealthy direction (such as a work-oriented identity). I would be remiss not to present the obvious and popularized definition of third space – places that allow people to congregate outside of their home and their workplace.
The Relevance of Third Places
The discussion of "third spaces" in the context of the graduate level course about transnational identity did not include this popularized definition, which may explain the interchangeable use of space and place. (As it relates to identity, third space was named; and when specifically a physical site, let’s call it a “third place.”) Third places are oftentimes exemplified as coffee shops. Prevalent in urban neighborhoods, they serve as sites of “informal sociability” and offer spontaneous encounter, escape, or a friendly exchange (Ferreira and Beuster; Warner and Oldenburg). As social ties are formed and maintained, people grow attached to these coffee shops, which not only fulfill the desire to connect, but also inculcate a new set of questions – who will I see there today? Will I be able to fulfill my goals today? – thereby encouraging new gathering behavior and attachment (Ferreira and Beuster 67). Firstly, the identifying of coffee shops as third places is useful in deciphering what makes for a successful third place, and perhaps one can adopt those traits when endeavoring to create their own third place/space. A second insight that can be gleaned is the recursive impact of third places on its larger urban framework. A clear impact is gentrification, as noted in a study of Stellenbosch’s coffee shops (Ferreira and Beuster). An initial takeaway is that a city ought to closely monitor the development of its geography if there is any desire to create an enriching social life for its residents.
In an Urban Context
As far back as 1993, there was criticism of the “information age” in a metropolis that grows increasingly decentralized, isolated, and controlled (Warner and Oldenburg 136). There is something alluring in the separation of spaces from an information architectural perspective – the control and discipline of place speak to a desire to categorize and efficiently label. However, this perspective is entirely antithetical to the creation of an enriching public setting for everyday life, even though much of American life is structured as such. Much has been written on the construction of social and friendly social places, such as structuring a place with optional activities and spots to sit and people watch. As Sam Bass Warner, Jr puts it simply, “the most compelling material that attracts human beings is other human beings” (Warner and Oldenburg 134).
A Third Place Come to Life
As academic and plentiful the discussion may be around human-friendly social design, one aspect is for sure – we know a successful third place when we see it. Timed with the World Cup match between Senegal and France, a video from NYT Cooking presents thieboudienne, the national dish of Senegal, while showcasing Harlem’s Senegalese neighborhood of Harlem. Little Senegal is defined by the restaurants, grocery stores, and mosques frequented by the diasporic community. “Sometimes when I miss Senegal, I just go to 116th, and I’m okay, I’m good, I don’t have to go to Senegal,” said Abdou Ndiaye, one of the participants in the video. 116th Street is, for much of the community, has become their de facto third place, one that aligns with earlier definitions of third space whereby identity is effectively mirrored back to the person. What I find most interesting is the named importance of food and ingredients. Most apparent is the impact of French colonialization is weaved in the Senegalese identity. Upon closer look, Senegalese tomato concentrate sits next to Italian tomato paste and ataya, their tea ceremony, is lovingly brewed with Chinese tea.
Cosmopolitan Identity, Cosmopolitan Place
As definitively Senegalese these neighborhoods are, they are, in fact, mini-cosmopolitans. Ndiaye also points out another iconic dish of fatayer, which he likens to an “empanada but with Senegalese flavor.” Having visited Lebanon this year, I was surprised that the speaker did not name the Levantine origin of this Senegalese handheld pie.
The allowance of multiplicity and identity is essential to individuals finding resonance in these third places, to harken back to the first post on resonance as the space between a person and another entity. As colonialization and globalization have already laid claim to many aspects of lived identity, the community finds joy in accepting the “good parts,” as said by the video’s primary speaker. The discussions on third place can be enriched by accounting for not only universal aspects of a socially fulfilled person, but also the culture and customs that they bring along. As one grocery store owner states definitively, “When you come to Adja Khady, you are home. You don’t miss Senegal.” Even though not all aspects of their home country can be replicated, the main ones that revolve around people are there, and Little Senegal is ready as an available third place where they can confidently fulfill their goals and satiate the lack from leaving one’s origin.
Works Cited
Ferreira, Sanette, and Lukas Beuster. “Stellenbosch Coffee Society: Societal and Locational Preferences.” Urbani Izziv, Supplement, no. 30, Feb. 2019, pp. 64–81. DOI.org (Crossref), https://doi.org/10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2019-30-supplement-005.
Oldenburg, Ray, and Jr Warner. “The Great Good Place.” Journal of Urban History, vol. 20, no. 1, November 1993, pp. 133–133.Oldenburg, Ray, and Jr Warner. “The Great Good Place.” Journal of Urban History, vol. 20, no. 1, November 1993, pp. 133–133.